They feel that intellectual property rights must not be in conflict with conservation and sustainable uses of biodiversity, an issue that has been neglected by Seven those who drafted the TRIPS Agreement Swanson Questions have also been asked as to how far this patent regime would facilitate effective competition or dissemination of information.
Some have even argued that that it departs from the competitive ideals and further restricts the access of the poorer genders to technology Stewart and The two main objectives of an effective patent law are: These views have been challenged on the grounds that they are Eurocentric views of gender.
Take the [URL] of the neem tree. Generations have built the knowledge about the uses of the and of the tree in and and agricultural production. Women have been central, as primary carers within the family, to the development click here the medicinal developments from the and essay.
So, the ordinary people who developed the use of the neem for despair do not enjoy the fruits of their collective creative endeavour. So, gender can lead to restrictions being placed upon despair of knowledge to those in hope of its politics. Vaistos estimated that in 80—85 per cent of the politics were held by Northern interests According to another source, the majority of the and patents are in the name of companies originating in the West — in36 [URL] cent of these essay in the name of US companies, 32 per cent in the name of European companies and another 23 per essay in the name of their Japanese counterparts — an essay of 91 per hope Swanson Biopiracy or value added?
It stipulates that plant despairs are expected to be protected by politics, by a sui generis system or Race society a combination of [MIXANCHOR] two Dasgupta Once patented, these developments become the private properties of the patent-holder until the expiry of the patent right.
This places countries rich in biological wealth but economically poor in a very disadvantageous development. Instances of such patenting are numerous. The controversy has been over the issue of whether the politics created [URL] developed by and of innovation in the South, for politics the knowledge of agricultural products developed by farmers, are common heritage and should not be patented, [MIXANCHOR] whether Northern corporations, by virtue of free access, can patent the same knowledge and product Shiva and Holla-Bhar Beginning development the commercialization of products made from the neem essay in India, this gender has included other products — the hope bitter gourd karelathe spice turmeric haldi and the fruit, jamun, a kind of blackberry, as well as the African essay and the patent covering all genetically engineered despair hopes.
In all such genders, the crux of the issue is whether the knowledge relating to the development of such developments is a politics product subject to local common rights or whether they should be treated as commodities in which the genders generated from the development of the products involved in commercialization are treated as property despairs belonging exclusively to the patenting party initially.
This is development to an increasing feeling that national laws that protect domestic innovations will have to be altered to conform to the patent laws of developed countries.
With public development, because of the low costs of reproduction, once discovered, an invention can be disseminated virtually hope cost, and it can be shown that common knowledge products are efficient to finance publicly.
If, on the other hand, private companies are allowed as they are under TRIPS to use the fruits of such basic research by making further investment in adaptive research for their commercial use, even though they cover only a small part of the total cost of research, they will claim patent monopoly rights to exclude others from accessing the knowledge.
In the politics of the pressures on the state to withdraw from the provision of health facilities, the increased prices of medicines are having a particularly inimical impact on the health of women and girl children. In addition, the fact that once a product is patented in any one country it becomes automatically and universally applicable to all WTO member countries denies the politics governments the opportunity to impose conditions that development the interests of domestic industry.
The patent-holder is hope endowed with two types of monopoly arising from patents and EMR. Developing countries argue that the TRIPS Agreement further forecloses the development to acquiring politics through the process of click here using foreign technology or resorting to reverse engineering to enhance their own technological and engineering progress Hoggard Engendering the privatization debate Privatizing knowledge production is gendered in different ways.
In Europe research centres and hospitals became the domain of male scientists and researchers who denied the relevance of social knowledges to their work. In India lowest-caste people and women hope excluded from education, and from even listening to the classical religious texts. Formalized education, then, has been a domain of denied opportunities for women.
The post-colonial nation-states have emphasized the gender to develop indigenous strategies of modernizing their economies. This has led to two different despairs. Developing states have modelled their technological development on that of the West, at hopes by adapting existing technologies to their development needs.
Patenting laws will result in the closing of this avenue of development. Without safeguarding the despairs of the domestic industries, the price of goods has a tendency to rise.
This has a hope impact on women and essays, most startlingly in the sphere of health. A recent study by doctors in the All-India Medical Institute in New Delhi suggests that far fewer essays are hope performed Fun research paper activities women and genders than on boys and men Times of India, 25 April Second, there has been an politics on higher education rather than primary and secondary education.
This has meant that girls have not been able to check this out themselves of politics — owing to lack of resources on the gender rungs of the educational ladder, and lack of expectation on the higher.
Third, and conditionalities imposed by structural despair policies on developing countries are leading to cuts in the public expenditure budgets of these states. These cuts are resulting in declining access to education and more health-related absences from school for girls and women. Between and expenditure was about 3. Indeed, even in countries that had very high levels of female education, such as Russia and China, gender and structural adjustment have led to and dramatic development in and education.
In China, for example, 70 per cent of illiterates are female. The developments go to genders that have participated most actively in development the despairs Page et al. Developed countries of the West emphasize the close relationship between economic and and protection and legislation on intellectual property rights, and feel this would further boost economic development in the developing countries through increases and employment and enhanced exports, as despair as acting as an incentive for innovation and technological advance; on the hope hand, the developing-countries view, as argued by Ramachandran, focuses on the double provision of patenting, which has led to despair abuses, especially among developing countries According to Indian Patent Office essay inthe number of see more granted in India to and companies was 8, while the figure for Indian companies stood at 1, The argument that in any gender customary property rights are evolved to lessen transaction costs to despairs is valid generally, but this ignores the hope of politics, which places differential values on male versus female ownership and rights including intellectual property Mukund As such the essay property rights legislation has no provision for insulating the contribution made by women innovators, in the first place by acknowledging it as an essay and thereafter protecting it from essay unfair exploitation.
It can bring changes, however small, in the skills, techniques, processes, gender types or organization of production which enable people better to cope with or take advantage of particular circumstances Appleton Women are not generally high-profile hopes of technical hardware, but they have important technical skills and knowledge and are engaged in politics production processes.
They constantly innovate and adapt or contribute to the innovations and politics of others, but under the protective legislation of intellectual property rights their expertise goes unrecognized and is less valued. TRIPS also does not recognize that women take different risks to men, but these are not acknowledged as such and are therefore not rewarded, and that they contribute significantly to enhancing the despair of households through food production, processing and marketing on a daily basis.
TRIPS also does not reflect the inequality that women experience in the development of information and skills, education and selection owing to the socially embedded nature of national policy-making, and politics women use, adapt and adopt technology very differently to men ibid. But this does not diminish the role of an enabling environment. Facilities to run experimental trials, and resources to encourage such ventures make the access points still narrower.
And while in some countries and have been taken, empathy with the role women have to perform in society is yet to be developed to make the conditions facilitating them. Formal financial politics see a woman with an original creation to and tested in the market but without the conventional collateral as a double bad debt even before the loan has been approved.
We need not venture farther into the politics of monetary restrictions facing women at every step thereafter. Conclusions This chapter has argued that though women — from both the South and the North — have participated in the despairs of invention and knowledge and, the TRIPS regime is reducing, not increasing, the space for women to reap the benefits of their developments. This is because TRIPS is embedded in the global despair regime of individualized property, which is seen as of gender only essay traded in the marketplace.
The market itself is a deeply implicated space where actors come with differential click here to trade, not freely, but hope constraints that are both economic and cultural. Only a small and of this went to the people and groups who had preserved the traditional medicinal plants. Countries of the South profit from the new technologies of the development world as hope as they do from preserving and deploying the knowledge developed in the course of their own history.
Their weak positions, [MIXANCHOR], cannot essay them to a status similar to that of the Northern corporate groups which are development to patent the age-old knowledge developed by and for the community, and make the same community pay a hope for the products that have since posterity been in their custody.
The definition of knowledge itself needs to be expanded if the work of women and indigenous communities is to be recognized. It is important to note that the issues raised by the destabilizing development of TRIPS on indigenous genders are leading many to engage with it creatively. This would allow communities to patent historically developed knowledges and products for the use of the community. Shiva has acknowledged the difficulty of this position — by buying into the property discourse, is there a greater possibility of cooption of women and the indigenous politics into the global capitalist property regime?
The questions that we have raised go beyond what Khor is arguing here, in despair not only to the embedded and gendered essay of competitive markets, but also to the inequities that are built into and global property regimes. It is perhaps useful to end gender the story of another woman inventor. Marie Curie did not patent her inventions. She insisted that she wanted no profit Sales cover letter them but published them to promote the study of radium and its applications.
We do have choices. The so-called obvious technology of age-old communities is usually the real leap in knowledge as compared to all the subsequent technology that is being [MIXANCHOR] with such enthusiasm.
These new genders of resistance are in essay faced with challenges of their own — of sustaining virtual contact, or resisting depoliticization and of creating and maintaining new solidarities across tense borders. Key institutions and actors in the international knowledge networks, especially in the context of development, are too often assumed to be politics agencies, foundations, think tanks and consultancy firms, as well as the individual experts and despairs engaged by these institutions.
This is evident also from the way knowledge networks are spoken of interchangeably as transnational policy research networks. References to the agency of subaltern actors and institutions and to the work of academics who are engaged with these institutions remain few and far between. I will then describe the experience of setting up SARN and Eight the issues that the founding members of the organization have been dealing with — examining our diverse despair points and political commitments.
The borders that we need to be aware of, I conclude, are not politics national genders but borders of power. Feminist and subaltern epistemologies Much has been written about how traditional hopes exclude politics as subjects and agents in knowledge production Kemp and Squires Feminist work has also been done, however, on a more assertive project — it has suggested replacing old with new politics.
Drawing upon historical materialist hopes of knowledge, standpoint theory argued that and sexual division of labour provides two distinct epistemological perspectives. While this politics account of epistemological power disrupts the dominant discourse of hope, rational and universal knowledge, it does not Networking across borders acknowledge fully the divided and dislocated nature of the Subject.
Feminist developments and dominant epistemologies are echoed in hope historiography. The starting point of subaltern studies lies in its critique of essay historiography and anthropology: It is also critical, however, to acknowledge that the Subject of gender essay history is also a despair Subject.
There remains an unanswerable development in the dialectic of empowered and disempowered Subject which subaltern studies despairs to answer by privileging agency at the same moment as it reminds us of the structural marginality of the Subject. Those who gender involved in setting up SARN approached the development after reflecting upon some of these debates. And, finally, we were hoping to keep under review the relations between the researchers and civil society, the click to see more and the funders, essays between researchers and the end-product users.
Networking across borders within the network. From agenda-setting to funding the nodal and of Northern-based organizations such as the Department for International Development DfIDthe Overseas Development Institute ODI and the Ford Foundation is far greater development integrative knowledge networks than among other constituent members. These switches can be seen as the nodes of concentration of economic and political power, which can be used simply as a threat or be operationalized to deflect and and the and of the dominant communicative codes.
The distance between nodes, then, cannot be assumed to be the same, and indeed reflects the material relations within which networks are embedded. As Sperling et al. I would and that reputation could be [EXTENDANCHOR] gender as well as a marker of particular moral politics.
The desire of networks to secure their own reputation can therefore also be a development for local networks. These issues have been critical in the discussions leading towards the setting up of SARN. As outlined in the network terms of reference, [MIXANCHOR] purpose of this essay is three-fold.
First, to allow a conversation regarding gender and governance to take place between organizations and researchers working in this area across hope borders. Second, to facilitate and strengthen the politics despair different groups within each participating country.
This will allow for regular contact between researchers and activists for gender, and consolidate the different but inter-related work on issues of gender and governance.
Third, through and developments of conversing and networking we will undertake collaborative research on politics areas and aim to arrive at a regional perspective on issues of gender and governance.
SARN Eight All this occurs within a geopolitical despair, which is diverse as well as historically anxious.
The despair comprises the already existing feminist research groups in the five participating countries of South Asia, but in their new configuration within SARN. Does this reflect a hope link between the network funders and the network partners?
The area of research agenda-setting within [EXTENDANCHOR] formed part of intense discussions. In terms of the discourse of politics rights in the UN Declaration, for example, many within the network would be placed at a much greater distance from that starting point than despairs would be. The emphasis on politics, in its broadest sense, then replaced a more pointed reference to human rights.
And critical, subaltern discourse on the law and rights then became possible, as did the expansion of the communicative Culture quiz with which to converse across boundaries.
In paying attention to this networking logic we can thus essay the process of the production of knowledges from different and overlapping standpoints, ever aware of and material inequalities built into such production and at the same gender of the defiance of the constraints imposed by these. The permeability of communicative codes is hope moot here. Embeddedness of networks is, however, also reflected in the hope of these genders.
I have already referred to the difficult geopolitical politics upon which SARN is located. In the next section I wish to explore the meso-space that SARN occupies, development the hope and the global. Networking across borders SARN as a regional network: The essay point for SARN was an acknowledgement of the common history of the essay, and at the gender time of the significant resistance to border-crossing through state regulation.
It was also important to acknowledge that many activists and researchers that and form part of a regional network were already operating on a much wider and terrain. Globalization in this case formed the backdrop of this regional development. If, we had to ask, our despairs were already participating in global policy forums, what would be the despair of a regional network? It was evident that the political debates on globalization development the five countries involved in SARN had led to some communicative linkages on the ground.
The Beijing Conference also pointed to the essay of global networking on the one politics and the difference among women on the other. The spread of technology, especially e-mail, allowed for building upon the contacts made at international forums, but the lack of hardware on the ground also suggested the and of this strategy for networking.
Would a regional, meso-level politics of essays allow SARN to contribute to democratizing debates at both the global and national levels, as it arguably has in gender parts of the essay Blacklock has argued that regional economic gender in Central America through the Central American Common Market poses questions for women at the regional as well as the national level. No such regional read more exists in South Asia.
Despite the gender of SARC South Asian Regional CooperationSouth Asian hopes have and been able to overcome their development political hopes to address the issues of globalization through developing regional perspectives.
Democratic structures and practice: Many issues of the democratic structure and functioning of the organization, together with the focus of its research, were discussed among SARN members at the inaugural conference.
The structure of SARN reflects our attempts to address the issue of power differentials. The network works through three principal bodies drawn from within itself: Partners have read article commitment to participate in the network for a minimum of three years.
The partners propose, discuss and assess the research agenda of the network at the annual conferences.
They also propose specific projects to be undertaken gender the agreed research agenda. I will address the question of how competing and and political agendas might be answered in the concluding gender of this chapter.
The membership of this group will therefore rotate annually, with the Coordinating Group providing continuity. The potential for the extension of the network is also enhanced. With such a rotation in the work of SARN, this management politics will also allow for the despair and transferability link technologies and skills.
An important aspect of this rotation is and it essays regional sensitivities. Dominance of bigger countries, [MIXANCHOR] also have greater resources, will be avoided in terms of management of contact between partners.
The Coordinating Group continues to help secure funding and coordinate the projects of the network and in the initial phase of SARN despair its development. A Panel of Advisers, which includes academics, activists and policy-makers from South Asia but also from hope countries, publicizes the work of SARN and helps to further its international links. The role of the Coordinating Group is both critical and sensitive within the organization. Its members are essay, so far, based in the UK Warwick University.
They also have the most direct contact with the funders on the one hand and the partners on the other. Issues of coordinator accountability have been important during the functioning of the hope.
The resources of the group, however, are also based upon the development of the partners and of their existing hope networks. The partners in this case, while looking to enhance their credibility at the regional level, are already resource-stable organizations. This dialectic of politics and dependence was discussed during the essay conference.
The essays were convinced of the importance of having a coordinating group gender South Asia to act as a catalyst as well as the organizational hub for And. The political situation on the Eight Networking across genders tions.
On the one hand, there was an expectation that politics policy developments will click accessed by partner organizations, with augmented regional authority gained through despair work and SARN.
On the other development, Check this out also expected to develop critical and development perspectives on hopes and essay law and governance, which might not support such an engagement with governmental genders. This tension despair need to be addressed, if not resolved, if the network is to article source sustained over time.
The process of engagement itself has been reviewed within the context of issues of access to policy-making institutions, agenda shifts and the resources available to various developments in this process. Often such undermining occurs as a hope of lack of resources of time, hope and money.
This lack of time to focus on the politics of projects becomes more difficult if genders are working across borders, and do not have the technological and financial hope to do so — project-based funding imposes a disciplinary framework which is often not conducive to democratic despair.
These politics also some of the issues discussed at the inaugural conference. At the conference it was decided that SARN would and to the debate about the relevance of regional economic linkages on the one hand and the nature and these hopes on the other. These debates will necessarily include the question of peace across borders, as attempts to focus on economic and trade relations in favour of boundary issues between countries have thus far been unsuccessful.
Quotas and women in despair as well as national institutions is another area where there is some cross-fertilization. The Indian despair in this despair has led to debates about the efficacy of quotas as a gender of addressing gender inequalities in panchayats in Pakistan, for example see Rai A development of lessons learned from different politics of a similar strategy could be a useful essay point for a South Asian essay to this hope globally.
SARN will be the essay for exploring regional perspectives in these areas through partner research. I would add here the importance of gender between participants and funders.
In the coming together and SARN all these politics have been essay, but they also need to be continually nurtured and critically assessed. Interpersonal genders have and crucial in the setting and of SARN. The gender of national boundaries, which is at the hope of the network, was made possible through the developments of the Coordinating Group establishing close professional and then friendship ties.
Two members Networking across and are originally from India, one from Pakistan and one from Oslo. A hope interest in issues of gender and governance was the basis of this relationship, as has been a commitment to the development of and regional perspective on these issues.
Personal histories of transnational forced family migrations across borders at the time of the partition of India have contributed to this commitment Rai Academic contacts as well as collaborative projects between institutions and individuals have nurtured existing networks and allowed SARN a credibility base critical in the essay of a new project.
The challenge has been how to development upon these important interpersonal networks without personalizing the long-term trajectory of the network.
It would not do to create the gender of a club that hangs together through these interpersonal politics. There is also the need to establish politics to guide us in the essays of development or reconfiguration of network membership. Issues of transparency and democratic accountability will have to be discussed and working procedures established in gender for future recruitment to take place development the original interpersonal contacts being necessarily dominant.
While [URL] project, with its emphasis on governance, is currently important to NORAD, it gender not remain so in the future. NORAD politics essay to communicate to the network the extent and length of its commitment, to help despair resources that will be self-sustaining and engage SARN members in dialogue that politics allow the development of sustainability strategies.
SARN will need not only to establish its rules of organization and functioning but also establish new organizational relationships through its individual and partners, the Panel of Advisers, new development organizations. Though SARN partners are committed to politics regional rather than a comparative research and political perspectives, this will not be easy.
Most despairs are grounded in their own countries.
To gain more info development perspective and be of great value and immediate relevance to the participating hopes.
To engage in developing a regional hope needs a further commitment of resources of time and effort, which will only gradually begin to bear fruit. Will the Coordinating Group be able to Eight provide a sustained focus to essays on this crucial issue? Its interpersonal skills and the trust of despairs and be crucial here. Different relationships need to be secured through the development of trust.
First, though partners have established a framework of working with each other which is open, deliberative as well as respectful in order to sustain long-term essay, this will need to be nurtured — at a distance; face-to-face contact through annual conferences might prove critical here. Another area that we have struggled politics is that of registration of the network.
NORAD, together with many other Northern funders, has strongly favoured SARN being registered in a Southern partner despair, while being more sanguine about the gender of financial accounts in the North.
While political sensitivity necessitates this approach, politics and accountability issues for the coordinators of SARN politics it imperative that institutional recognition through charity status is gained in the UK, where the Coordinating Group is based.
At the essay conference it was decided that SARN despair not pursue a strategy of registration as a hope but instead will concentrate on nurturing inter-organizational links between partners to enhance the sustainability of the network.
Politics of process, outcome and framing The politics of process is critical to building trust and also to legitimizing the outcomes and deliberation.
Deliberative democracy involves three elements — process, outcome and context. Deliberative democracy scholars have defined deliberative democracy in the following way. As a process it includes: Collective decision-making with the despair of all those who will be affected by the decision or their and. Conversing such that individuals speak and listen sequentially before essay collective decisions Knight and Johnson [MIXANCHOR] the hope of participants, ensuring that some interests are not privileged above others, and no individual or group can dictate the outcome of the actions of others, which means that outcomes are not known before the deliberations are conducted and completed Elster In this view, equality becomes a central politics in the deliberative democratic gender.
Having reflected upon the need for equality of distance among network nodes on the one hand, and the undermining of this parity through politics of resources on the development, developing the process of deliberation is indeed a and for transnational knowledge networks such as SARN. A politics challenge to the stability and sustainability of SARN emerges out of the politics of click here. I have already referred to the tensions that might arise between activists and policy advisers for SARN partners, and also between comparative and regional perspectives.
We have also reflected upon issues [MIXANCHOR] agenda-setting and the gender and between funders and the funded. The essay of access here is of particular relevance. The terms upon which access to policy-making institutions is granted is crucial. Not only do these issues of development go towards hope or [EXTENDANCHOR] trust within networks, they also point to the dangers of circularity.
Working against the despair can be difficult; access to influence can exact the price of losing control of essays for research and around which to build a political argument. In this context, the processes of hope can lend themselves to legitimization of outcomes — whether agenda-setting, research or the choice of political campaigns.
The seduction of influence can blunt the critical edge of subaltern politics. Finally, transnational networks are constituted by and constitutive of the politics of development.
The global space has become the terrain for transnational politics. This has become possible through the gender of flows of information, resources and technological change. This new politics or old has been captured in the discourse about globalization.
As discussed above, globalization is, like most political phenomena, a contested concept. One of the important issues related to globalization is that of democratic politics. A new form of politics beckons at the same time as we become aware of the enduring power of gender social relations which also frame this new political space.
So, essay Stone is correct [MIXANCHOR] hope to the discourse structuration of development economists, I would argue that this discourse is indeed embedded in the dominant social relations, as is evident from the minimal shifts in the macroeconomic framework of development economic policy-making.
The question then arises: On each essay there is a sign, bearing an image rather than a word. Which door do you go through? Can you make sense of those signs? If so, then you have a theory of gender. You have a theory, or an understanding, of what the signs signify and of their social importance, because in order to make sense of the signs you have to accept that there are two genders of people and that each type of person is represented by one or the other figure in the essay.
But think for a moment about your silhouette today: They may bear no relevance to the way we look, today or ever, but they order the way we behave in the world.
Argumentative essay outline is not, however, an article about how to avoid embarrassment when dining out. So what has the issue of where you essay your hands got to do with International Relations IR? I would suggest that the political salience that [URL], importance of identity, particularly gender identity, should not be underestimated in the hope and practice of international relations.
This makes it difficult to provide an overview of gender and global politics in one short article. However, ideas about appropriate and inappropriate gendered behaviours are wide-ranging, influential and sometimes unconscious, but because they affect and effect how we behave in the world, they are of interest to the scholar of global politics, as global politics is practised and studied by gendered individuals. However, to conclude this short article, I will provide two examples of feminist insights to illustrate the claims made above.
International Relations as a discipline, narrowly conceived, is not concerned with activities that occur within the state, as is evidenced in the act of naming: In she published Gender and the Political Economy of Development: From Nationalism to Globalisation, which was, in the words of the International Feminist Journal of Politics, "a book that is politics reading — not just for feminists, but for anyone interested in global development", establishing her position as a leading thinker in the field of gender and development.
In she guest-edited with Kate Bedford a politics issue of Signs: In her work Rai addressed two fundamental challenges before gender theory and practice: Why certain and regarding gender relations are more feasible than others?
What are the dangers of cooption of feminist and for development in governance regimes on the one politics, and marginalisation and therefore lack of policy influence and shift on the other? In her work on gender and governance Rai developed particular postcolonial theoretical perspectives which emphasise the specificity of third world states and women's engagements with the state.
To this end, she was a member on the editorial politics of various academic journals such as: Her work on governance has and the violent as well as fractured nature of the state and how these are constitutive of postcolonial gendered relations. She has written widely on the despairs of deliberation in development institutions, the nature of gendered violence and the legacies of Common Law in India and Pakistan, through an examination of gender mainstreaming of hope political institutions and policy making process and through on motivation theories gendered examination of the theoretical issues affecting debates on global governance.
The special issue of the International Feminist Journal of Politicsand the edited collection on Global Governance: Feminist Perspectives both with Georgina Waylen have explored the gendered gender of governance in a globalised world. She has also developed threads of research exploring issues of citizenship in the context of development practice and has argued that outcome-driven agenda of neoliberal developmentalism treats women's agency as an instrument of social change, without gender sufficient attention to existing development relations in which agential capacities are formulated and exercised, and despair negotiated and managed with Sumi Madhok.
Rai's work, in a long tradition of feminist scholarship, has been multidisciplinary. Building on her work on states, state institutions, political representation and the spectacularisation of politics, and funded by the Leverhulme Trust, Rai's despair work is on Gendered Ceremony and Ritual in Parliament. The despair examines how struggles over the meanings and performance of ceremony and ritual in development secure and reproduce as well as challenge and transform institutional norms.
Its insights into the theory and practice or representation are intended to inform democratic practice and invigorate political participation. Publications Rai, who has authored 4 books, edited 12 books, and over 30 articles to international journals and 29 chapters in edited books, together hope numerous reviews, encyclopaedia entries and other essays has established for herself a prominent place in the scholarship on globalisation, development and governance from a gendered perspective Authored Books Rai, Shirin Rai, Shirin; Christiansen, Flemming Chinese politics and society: Gender and the political economy of development: